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5 andrew gelman stats-2010-04-27-Ethical and data-integrity problems in a study of mortality in Iraq


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Introduction: Michael Spagat notifies me that his article criticizing the 2006 study of Burnham, Lafta, Doocy and Roberts has just been published . The Burnham et al. paper (also called, to my irritation (see the last item here ), “the Lancet survey”) used a cluster sample to estimate the number of deaths in Iraq in the three years following the 2003 invasion. In his newly-published paper, Spagat writes: [The Spagat article] presents some evidence suggesting ethical violations to the survey’s respondents including endangerment, privacy breaches and violations in obtaining informed consent. Breaches of minimal disclosure standards examined include non-disclosure of the survey’s questionnaire, data-entry form, data matching anonymised interviewer identifications with households and sample design. The paper also presents some evidence relating to data fabrication and falsification, which falls into nine broad categories. This evidence suggests that this survey cannot be considered a reliable or


Summary: the most important sentenses genereted by tfidf model

sentIndex sentText sentNum sentScore

1 ” Also some contradictory descriptions of sampling methods, which are interesting enough that I will copy them here (it’s from pages 11-12 of Spagat’s article): The L2 authors [Burnham et al. [sent-24, score-0.323]

2 ] have often dismissed the possibility of sampling bias by stating that they did not actually follow the sampling procedures that they claimed to have followed in their Lancet publication. [sent-25, score-0.327]

3 (Burnham and Roberts, 2006a) Thus [according to Spagat], this part of the description of sampling methodology should have read: The third stage consisted of random selection of a main street within the administrative unit from a list of all main streets. [sent-27, score-0.847]

4 A residential street was then randomly selected from a list of residential streets crossing the main street. [sent-28, score-1.164]

5 As far as selection of the start houses, in areas where there were residential streets that did not cross the main avenues in the area selected, these were included in the random street selection process, in an effort to reduce the selection bias that more busy streets would have. [sent-29, score-2.191]

6 , 2008, with new text italicised) Combining this with Gilbert Burnham’s New Scientist interview already quoted (Biever, 2007) would imply that at each location: (1) Field teams wrote names of main streets on pieces of paper and selected one street at random. [sent-31, score-1.188]

7 (2) The field teams then walked down this street writing down names of cross streets on pieces of paper and selected one of these at random. [sent-32, score-1.245]

8 (3) The field teams then became aware of all other streets in the area that did not cross the main avenues and may have selected one of these instead of one of the cross streets written on pieces of paper. [sent-33, score-1.864]

9 If other types of streets, beyond those that would be covered by the published methodology, were included in the sampling procedures then the authors need to specify how these streets were included. [sent-36, score-0.75]

10 More fundamentally, how did the field teams discover the existence of such streets that could not be seen by walking down principal streets as described by Burnham in Biever (2007)? [sent-37, score-1.256]

11 The L2 field teams would not have brought detailed street maps with them into each selected area or else it would not have been necessary to walk down selected principal streets writing down names of surrounding streets on pieces of paper. [sent-38, score-1.947]

12 We can also rule out the possibility that the teams completely canvassed entire neighbourhoods and built up detailed street maps from scratch in each location. [sent-39, score-0.486]

13 Developing such detailed street maps would have been very time consuming and the L2 field teams had to follow an extremely compressed schedule that required them to perform 40 interviews in a day (Hicks, 2006). [sent-40, score-0.532]

14 Indeed, involving local residents in selecting the streets to be sampled would seem to be at odds with the random selection of households. [sent-44, score-0.71]

15 Locals could, for example, lead the survey teams to particularly violent areas. [sent-45, score-0.313]

16 The sites were selected entirely at random, so all households had an equal chance of being included. [sent-47, score-0.357]

17 we had an equal chance of picking a main street as a back street. [sent-54, score-0.414]

18 Some streets are much more densely populated than others. [sent-57, score-0.656]

19 If, for example, every street block had an equal chance of selection then households on densely populated street blocks would have lower selection probabilities than households on a sparsely populated street block. [sent-59, score-1.506]

20 If main streets are more densely populated on average than are back streets and main streets and back streets have equal selection probabilities then households on main streets would have lower selection probabilities than households on back streets. [sent-60, score-3.706]


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Introduction: Mike Spagat writes: Here is yet another debunking article I’ve written, this one in the latest issue of Significance. It shows the Lancet once again publishing spectacularly wrong information that has misinformed public discussion on a crucial issue with ongoing reverberations. For example, there is Tony Blair’s recent justification for the Iraq war offered in front of the Chilcot Inquiry in the UK quoted at the beginning of the paper. I haven’t had a chance to look at this one, but here’s a link to some related Spagat work.

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