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1910 andrew gelman stats-2013-06-22-Struggles over the criticism of the “cannabis users and IQ change” paper


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Introduction: Ole Rogeberg points me to a discussion of a discussion of a paper: Did pre-release of my [Rogeberg's] PNAS paper on methodological problems with Meier et al’s 2012 paper on cannabis and IQ reduce the chances that it will have its intended effect? In my case, serious methodological issues related to causal inference from non-random observational data became framed as a conflict over conclusions, forcing the original research team to respond rapidly and insufficiently to my concerns, and prompting them to defend their conclusions and original paper in a way that makes a later, more comprehensive reanalysis of their data less likely. This fits with a recurring theme on this blog: the defensiveness of researchers who don’t want to admit they were wrong. Setting aside cases of outright fraud and plagiarism, I think the worst case remains that of psychologists Neil Anderson and Deniz Ones, who denied any problems even in the presence of a smoking gun of a graph revealing their data


Summary: the most important sentenses genereted by tfidf model

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1 Ole Rogeberg points me to a discussion of a discussion of a paper: Did pre-release of my [Rogeberg's] PNAS paper on methodological problems with Meier et al’s 2012 paper on cannabis and IQ reduce the chances that it will have its intended effect? [sent-1, score-0.571]

2 The researchers sorted people into groups according to whether or not they had used cannabis and according to the number of times they had been scored as dependent. [sent-10, score-0.819]

3 The cannabis-and-IQ analysis basically compares average changes in IQ across groups with different cannabis use patterns. [sent-19, score-0.655]

4 The central assumption, in other words, is that the groups would have had the same IQ-development if their cannabis use had been similar. [sent-21, score-0.705]

5 In the Dunedin study, they measured IQ at a number of ages, and average IQ changes in various periods could be shown for each group of cannabis users. [sent-27, score-0.64]

6 If the effect estimate of cannabis on IQ changes a lot, then this suggests that selection issues are important- and that confounders (both known and unknown) must be taken seriously. [sent-32, score-0.718]

7 Another example is the linear trend variable they use for cannabis exposure, which presumably gives a score of 1 to never users, 2 to users who were never dependent, 3 to those scored as dependent once and so on. [sent-39, score-0.732]

8 This is the variable that they check for significance – and it would be Provide other diagnostic analyses, for instance by considering the variance of the outcome variable within each treatment group (how much did IQ change differ within each treatment group? [sent-40, score-0.563]

9 For instance, let us say you identify what seems to be a causal effect of cannabis use and dependency, but its magnitude is strongly reduced (but not eliminated) when you add in various potential confounders. [sent-45, score-0.834]

10 As the authors of the original paper note (when education turns out to affect the effect size), education could be a mediating factor in the causal process whereby cannabis affects IQ. [sent-47, score-1.026]

11 However, this would mean that the permanent, neurotoxic effect they are most concerned with would be smaller, because part of the measured effect would be due to the effect of cannabis on education multiplied by the effect of this education on IQ. [sent-48, score-1.558]

12 It also suggests that we might want to look for evidence to assess how strongly cannabis use causally affects education, to better understand the determinants of this process. [sent-50, score-0.609]

13 For instance, even if there was only a temporary effect of cannabis on cognition, ongoing smoking would do more poorly in school or college, which might then influence later job prospects and long term IQ. [sent-51, score-0.857]

14 Put differently: If the mechanism is via school, then even transitory effects of cannabis becomes important when they coincide with the period of education. [sent-53, score-0.561]

15 Early onset cannabis use appeared to be correlated with a number of risk factors, and these risk factors were also correlated with poor life outcomes (low and poor education, crime, income etc. [sent-60, score-1.141]

16 Since the risk factors mentioned above would serve to push you away from such cognitively demanding environments, it seemed plausible that they would affect long term IQ negatively by pushing you into poorer environments than your initial IQ would have suggested. [sent-67, score-0.706]

17 Putting these pieces together, the risk factors that make you more likely to take up pot smoking in adolescence, and that raise your risk of becoming dependent, also shift you into poorer environments than your initial IQ would predict in isolation. [sent-76, score-0.782]

18 Additionally, these shifts are more likely for kids in lower-SES groups (since the risk factors are correlated with SES), and these also have an IQ more sensitive to environmental changes. [sent-77, score-0.596]

19 However, it should be obvious from my description of this mechanism that we should expect the mechanism to work even within a socioeconomic group: Even within this group, those with high levels of risk factors will experience poorer life outcomes, which may reduce their IQs. [sent-80, score-0.655]

20 This, of course, does not prove or establish that there is no effect of cannabis on IQ. [sent-85, score-0.743]


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