acl acl2013 acl2013-22 knowledge-graph by maker-knowledge-mining

22 acl-2013-A Structured Distributional Semantic Model for Event Co-reference


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Author: Kartik Goyal ; Sujay Kumar Jauhar ; Huiying Li ; Mrinmaya Sachan ; Shashank Srivastava ; Eduard Hovy

Abstract: In this paper we present a novel approach to modelling distributional semantics that represents meaning as distributions over relations in syntactic neighborhoods. We argue that our model approximates meaning in compositional configurations more effectively than standard distributional vectors or bag-of-words models. We test our hypothesis on the problem of judging event coreferentiality, which involves compositional interactions in the predicate-argument structure of sentences, and demonstrate that our model outperforms both state-of-the-art window-based word embeddings as well as simple approaches to compositional semantics pre- viously employed in the literature.

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Summary: the most important sentenses genereted by tfidf model

sentIndex sentText sentNum sentScore

1 edu Abstract In this paper we present a novel approach to modelling distributional semantics that represents meaning as distributions over relations in syntactic neighborhoods. [sent-3, score-0.358]

2 We argue that our model approximates meaning in compositional configurations more effectively than standard distributional vectors or bag-of-words models. [sent-4, score-0.333]

3 DSMs are based on the hypothesis that the meaning of a word or phrase can be effectively captured by the distribution of words in its neighborhood. [sent-7, score-0.039]

4 , 2004), semantic similarity computation (Wong and Raghavan, 1984; McCarthy and Carroll, 2003) and selectional preference modeling (Erk, 2007). [sent-11, score-0.089]

5 Composing the ∗*Equally contributing authors distributions for “Lincoln”, “Booth”, and “killed” gives the same result regardless of whether the input is “Booth killed Lincoln” or “Lincoln killed Booth”. [sent-13, score-0.151]

6 But as suggested by Pantel and Lin (2000) and others, modeling the distribution over preferential attachments for each syntactic relation separately yields greater expressive power. [sent-14, score-0.109]

7 Thus, to remedy the bag-of-words failing, we extend the generic DSM model to several relation-specific distributions over syntactic neighborhoods. [sent-15, score-0.071]

8 In other words, one can think of the Structured DSM (SDSM) representation of a word/phrase as several vectors defined over the same vocabulary, each vector representing the word’s selectional preferences for its various syntactic arguments. [sent-16, score-0.156]

9 We argue that this representation not only captures individual word semantics more effectively than the standard DSM, but is also better able to express the semantics of compositional units. [sent-17, score-0.304]

10 We prove this on the task ofjudging event coreference. [sent-18, score-0.234]

11 Experimental results indicate that our model achieves greater predictive accuracy on the task than models that employ weaker forms of composition, as well as a baseline that relies on state- of-the-art window based word embeddings. [sent-19, score-0.085]

12 This suggests that our formalism holds the potential of greater expressive power in problems that involve underlying semantic compositionality. [sent-20, score-0.077]

13 Several works have defined approaches to modelling context-word distributions anchored on a target word, topic, or sentence position. [sent-26, score-0.105]

14 While DSMs have been very successful on a variety of tasks, they are not an effective model of semantics as they lack properties such as compositionality or the ability to handle operators such as negation. [sent-28, score-0.226]

15 In order to model a stronger form of semantics, there has been a recent surge in studies that phrase the problem of DSM compositionality as one of vector composition. [sent-29, score-0.194]

16 Mitchell and Lapata (2008) propose a framework to define the composition c = f(a, b, r, K) where r is the relation between a and b, and K is the additional knowledge used to define composition. [sent-31, score-0.225]

17 To the best of our knowledge the formulation of composition we propose is the first to account for both K and r within this compositional framework. [sent-33, score-0.313]

18 (201 1), regression models by Guevara (2010), and recursive neural network based solutions by Socher et al. [sent-36, score-0.039]

19 Pantel and Lin (2000) and Erk and Padó (2008) attempt to include syntactic context in distributional models. [sent-40, score-0.199]

20 2 Event Co-reference Resolution While automated resolution of entity coreference has been an actively researched area (Haghighi and Klein, 2009; Stoyanov et al. [sent-49, score-0.22]

21 , 2010), there has been relatively little work on event coreference resolution. [sent-51, score-0.387]

22 (2012) perform joint cross-document entity and event coreference resolution using the twoway feedback between events and their arguments. [sent-53, score-0.553]

23 3 Structured Distributional Semantics In this paper, we propose an approach to incorporate structure into distributional semantics (more details in Goyal et al. [sent-55, score-0.238]

24 The word distributions drawn from the context defined by a set of relations anchored on the target word (or phrase) form a set of vectors, namely a matrix for the target word. [sent-57, score-0.216]

25 One axis of the matrix runs over all the relations and the other axis is over the distributional word vocabulary. [sent-58, score-0.344]

26 Note that collapsing the rows of the matrix provides the standard dependency based distributional representation. [sent-60, score-0.229]

27 1 Building Representation: The PropStore To build a lexicon of SDSM matrices for a given vocabulary we first construct a proposition knowledge base (the PropStore) created by parsing the Simple English Wikipedia. [sent-62, score-0.071]

28 We also store sentence indices for triples as this allows us to achieve an intuitive technique to achieve compositionality. [sent-64, score-0.044]

29 This helps to generalize our representation when surface-form distributions are sparse. [sent-66, score-0.074]

30 The PropStore can be used to query for the expectations of words, supersenses, relations, etc. [sent-67, score-0.06]

31 “what is consumed” might return expectations [pasta: 1, spaghetti: 1, mice: 1 . [sent-73, score-0.06]

32 Relations and POS tags are obtained using a dependency parser Tratz and Hovy (201 1), supersense tags using sstlight Ciaramita and Altun (2006), and lemmas us468 Figure 1: Sample sentences & triples ing Wordnet Fellbaum (1998). [sent-77, score-0.088]

33 2 Mimicking Compositionality For representing intermediate multi-word phrases, we extend the above word-relation matrix symbolism in a bottom-up fashion using the PropStore. [sent-79, score-0.062]

34 The combination hinges on the intuition that when lexical units combine to form a larger syntactically connected phrase, the representation of the phrase is given by its own distributional neighborhood within the embedded parse tree. [sent-80, score-0.278]

35 The distributional neighborhood of the net phrase can be computed using the PropStore given syntactic relations anchored on its parts. [sent-81, score-0.39]

36 person and Lemma(W1) = eat appearing together with a nsubj relation to obtain expectations around “people eat” yielding [pasta: 1, spaghetti: 1 . [sent-83, score-0.219]

37 Larger phrasal queries can be built to answer queries like “What do people in China eat with? [sent-90, score-0.071]

38 All of this helps us to account for both relation r and knowledge K obtained from the PropStore within the compositional framework c = f(a, b, r, K). [sent-93, score-0.166]

39 The general outline to obtain a composition of two words is given in Algorithm 1, which returns the distributional expectation around the composed unit. [sent-94, score-0.387]

40 person nsubj eat”, steps (1) and (2) involve querying the PropStore for the individual tokens, noun. [sent-97, score-0.095]

41 Let the resulting matrices be M1 and M2, respectively. [sent-99, score-0.071]

42 In step (3), SentIDs (sentences where the two words appear with the specified relation) are obtained by taking the intersection between the nsubj component vectors of the two matrices M1 and M2. [sent-100, score-0.159]

43 In step (4), the entries of the original matrices M1 and M2 are intersected with this list of common SentIDs. [sent-101, score-0.118]

44 Finally, the resulting matrix for the composition of the two words is simply the union of all the relationwise intersected sentence IDs. [sent-102, score-0.295]

45 Intuitively, through this procedure, we have computed the expectation around the words w1 and w2 when they are connected by the relation “r”. [sent-103, score-0.039]

46 Similar to the two-word composition process, given a parse subtree T of a phrase, we obtain its matrix representation of empirical counts over word-relation contexts (described in Algorithm 2). [sent-104, score-0.324]

47 3 Event Coreferentiality Given the SDSM formulation and assuming no sparsity constraints, it is possible to calculate 469 SDSM matrices for composed concepts. [sent-115, score-0.105]

48 Intuitively, if they truly capture semantics, the two SDSM matrix representations for “Booth assassinated Lincoln” and “Booth shot Lincoln with a gun" should be (almost) the same. [sent-117, score-0.062]

49 To test this hypothesis we turn to the task of predicting whether two event mentions are coreferent or not, even if their surface forms differ. [sent-118, score-0.301]

50 It may be noted that this task is different from the task of full event coreference and hence is not directly comparable to previous experimental results in the literature. [sent-119, score-0.387]

51 Two mentions generally refer to the same event when their respective actions, agents, patients, locations, and times are (almost) the same. [sent-120, score-0.301]

52 Given the non-compositional nature of determining equality of locations and times, we represent each event mention by a triple E = (e, a, p) for the event, agent, and patient. [sent-121, score-0.276]

53 However, when nominalized events are encountered, we replace them by their verbal forms. [sent-123, score-0.099]

54 (201 1) to determine the agent and patient arguments of an event mention. [sent-125, score-0.371]

55 When SRL fails to determine either role, its empirical substitutes are obtained by querying the PropStore for the most likely word expectations for the role. [sent-126, score-0.194]

56 It may be noted that the SDSM repre- sentation relies on syntactic dependancy relations. [sent-127, score-0.032]

57 Hence, to bridge the gap between these relations and the composition of semantic role participants of event mentions we empirically determine those syntactic relations which most strongly co-occur with the semantic relations connecting events, agents and patients. [sent-128, score-0.778]

58 The triple (e, a, p) is thus the composition of the triples (a, relationsetagent, e) and (p, relationsetpatient, e), and hence a complex object. [sent-129, score-0.272]

59 To determine equality of this complex composed representation we generate three levels of progressively simplified event constituents for comparison: Level 1: Full Composition: Mfull = ComposePhrase(e, a, p). [sent-130, score-0.303]

60 Level 3: No Composition: ME = queryMatrix(e) MA = queryMatrix(a) MP = queryMatrix(p) To judge coreference between events E1 and E2, we compute pairwise similarities Sim(M1full , M2full), Sim(M1part:EA, M2part:EA), etc. [sent-132, score-0.252]

61 4 Experiments We evaluate our method on two datasets and compare it against four baselines, two of which use window based distributional vectors and two that employ weaker forms of composition. [sent-136, score-0.24]

62 , 2013), drawn from 100 news articles about violent events, contains manually created annotations for 2214 pairs of co-referent and noncoreferent events each. [sent-139, score-0.099]

63 Where available, events’ semantic role-fillers for agent and patient are annotated as well. [sent-140, score-0.176]

64 When missing, empirical substitutes were obtained by querying the PropStore for the preferred word attachments. [sent-141, score-0.134]

65 EventCorefBank (ECB) corpus: This corpus (Bejan and Harabagiu, 2010) of 482 documents from Google News is clustered into 45 topics, with event coreference chains annotated over each topic. [sent-142, score-0.387]

66 The event mentions are enriched with semantic roles to obtain the canonical event structure described above. [sent-143, score-0.574]

67 Positive instances are obtained by taking pairwise event mentions within each chain, and negative instances are generated from pairwise event mentions across chains, but within the same topic. [sent-144, score-0.602]

68 We also compare SDSM against the window-based embeddings trained using a recursive neural network (SENNA) (Collobert et al. [sent-149, score-0.136]

69 87c39410 SENNA to generate level 3 similarity features for events’ individual words (agent, patient and action). [sent-160, score-0.064]

70 As our final set of baselines, we extend two simple techniques proposed by (Mitchell and Lapata, 2008) that use element-wise addition and multiplication operators to perform composition. [sent-161, score-0.054]

71 We extend it to our matrix representation and build two baselines AVC (element-wise addition) and MVC (element-wise multiplication). [sent-162, score-0.097]

72 The IC corpus comprises of domain specific texts, resulting in high lexical overlap between event mentions. [sent-167, score-0.234]

73 The improvements over DSM and SENNA embeddings, support our hypothesis that syntax lends greater expressive power to distributional semantics in compositional configurations. [sent-169, score-0.403]

74 Furthermore, the increase in predictive accuracy over MVC and AVC shows that our formulation of composition of two words based on the relation binding them yields a stronger form of compositionality than simple additive and multiplicative models. [sent-170, score-0.431]

75 Next, we perform an ablation study to determine the most predictive features for the task of event coreferentiality. [sent-171, score-0.285]

76 The forward selection procedure reveals that the most informative attributes are the level 2 compositional features involving the agent and the action, as well as their individual level 3 features. [sent-172, score-0.2]

77 This corresponds to the intuition that the agent and the action are the principal determiners for identifying events. [sent-173, score-0.106]

78 Features involving the patient and level 1 features are least useful. [sent-174, score-0.064]

79 This is probably because features involving full composition are sparse, and not as likely to provide statistically significant evidence. [sent-175, score-0.186]

80 5 Conclusion and Future Work We outlined an approach that introduces structure into distributed semantic representations gives us an ability to compare the identity of two representations derived from supposedly semantically identical phrases with different surface realizations. [sent-177, score-0.039]

81 We employed the task of event coreference to validate our representation and achieved significantly higher predictive accuracy than several baselines. [sent-178, score-0.473]

82 In the future, we would like to extend our model to other semantic tasks such as paraphrase detection, lexical substitution and recognizing textual entailment. [sent-179, score-0.039]

83 We would also like to replace our syntactic relations to semantic relations and explore various ways of dimensionality reduction to solve this problem. [sent-180, score-0.169]

84 Nouns are vectors, adjectives are matrices: representing adjective-noun constructions in semantic space. [sent-191, score-0.039]

85 Broad-coverage sense disambiguation and information extraction with a supersense sequence tagger. [sent-201, score-0.044]

86 A structured distributional semantic model : Integrating structure with semantics. [sent-237, score-0.206]

87 Concrete sentence spaces for compositional distributional models of meaning. [sent-241, score-0.294]

88 A regression model of adjective-noun compositionality in distributional semantics. [sent-246, score-0.322]

89 Simple coreference resolution with rich syntactic and semantic features. [sent-251, score-0.291]

90 Disambiguating nouns, verbs, and adjectives using automatically acquired selectional preferences. [sent-277, score-0.05]

91 Conundrums in noun phrase coreference resolution: making sense of the stateof-the-art. [sent-336, score-0.192]


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